Risk Management in the Sexual Market Place
An approach to relationships based on ISO 31000 risk management separates possible harms, their likelihood, and their consequences. This account also illustrates the limits of that approach: unsupported population claims and assumptions about gender cannot establish an individual partner’s risk, and fixation on one person can distort judgment.
THE IDEA
Risk management in relationships
The account applies ISO 31000’s definition of risk—the effect of uncertainty on objectives—to relationships. It groups concerns into legal, social, health, and dating risks. These concerns can interact, but they require different evidence: knowing that a harm is possible does not establish how likely it is for a particular person.
A risk matrix compares likelihood and impact; it does not add them as interchangeable quantities. If an event has a 50% chance of occurring and would cost $100.000, then the risk has a $50.000 cost in the source’s terminology. This calculation gives an expected loss: an average across possible outcomes, not the loss that will necessarily occur. Serious consequences can warrant attention even when their probability is low.
The account also distinguishes known knowns, which are recognized and understood; unknown knowns, which are understood but not brought into consideration; known unknowns, which are recognized but poorly understood; and unknown unknowns, which have not been recognized. These labels help organize uncertainty. They do not supply missing probabilities.
Legal and reproductive risks
Marriage, parenthood, consent, and responsibility for children involve legal rules. Their effects depend on the applicable law and the circumstances. The source treats the Duke lacrosse case as evidence that affirmative-consent rules described as "Yes means yes" increase men’s risk. The case alone does not establish that causal connection or a general probability of false accusation.
The discussion of contraception makes a similar leap. It groups abortion, emergency contraception, safe-haven provisions, and "The Pill" as tools controlled by women, then rejects the statement "female contraception reduces the risk for both genders" on the ground that these options are 100% under a woman’s control. Control over a decision and exposure to an outcome are different questions. A reduction in the chance of an unintended pregnancy can affect both partners even when their decision-making powers differ. Availability and legal options also cannot be assumed to be the same everywhere.
The account argues that reproductive decisions can expose partners to different financial consequences. That is a question to examine under the relevant circumstances, rather than a reason to describe either partner as having no agency or no risk. Contraception, pregnancy, infection, parenting, and financial responsibility should not be collapsed into one risk score.
Social risk
Abuse can carry physical, psychological, financial, and social costs. The existence of shelters or support services does not make those costs negligible. Men who experience abuse may also face stigma or difficulty finding support; those concerns can be considered without dismissing harms to women.
The source gives a 40% figure for men’s share of domestic-violence victims but does not identify the study, population, or definition here. That figure cannot establish an individual’s probability of abuse. Claims about false allegations and unequal treatment likewise need evidence about the situation being assessed, rather than assumptions about either gender.
Assessing particular risks
The account lists a 22% mental-health figure alongside infections, unintended pregnancy, and financial obligations lasting 18 years. These are not equivalent kinds of evidence or harm. A population estimate of mental illness does not show that a prospective partner is abusive or dishonest.
For pregnancy, the practical question is which precautions and agreements the partners can make and what responsibilities could follow. The source’s second reference to 18 years of payments is an assumed consequence, not a universal statement of child-support law. Estimating likelihood and impact requires the actual circumstances.
For abuse, examine behavior: threats, coercion, violence, disregard for boundaries, and access to support. A label such as medium risk is not informative unless the likelihood and consequences behind it are explained. Nor can careful selection of a partner guarantee that abuse will not occur.
For allegations, the source proposes continuous recording and retention of correspondence. It does not establish that these measures are necessary, sufficient, or lawful in a particular setting. Respect for consent and boundaries should not be replaced by a general presumption that a partner will make a false accusation.
The source then gives a 21.8% estimate for women diagnosed with mental illness during the preceding 12 months, later describing that same 21.8% as women who could be diagnosed. These are different descriptions of a population statistic. Neither supports its further association of mental illness with abuse, false allegations, or "accidentally" becoming pregnant. Those claims would require separate evidence about the behaviors in question.
The account also uses an imagined assault by a 5 ft., 50 lb. woman to argue that male victims may be ridiculed. The relevant point is that a report of abuse deserves attention regardless of the people’s gender or size; the illustration does not measure how often a victim will receive help.
Nor does the availability of reproductive choices reduce every consequence of unwanted pregnancy to zero. The principle described as "consent to sex does not mean consent to parenthood" concerns a disputed account of rights and obligations, not an assurance that pregnancy has no costs. The further reference to 18 years of child support again depends on a legal setting that the account does not specify.
Its comparison of 14.1% of men with 21.8% of women, restated as roughly 1/5 for men choosing a woman and 1/7 for women choosing a man, also confuses prevalence with a partner-specific forecast. A diagnosis is not a measure of a person’s reliability or a substitute for observing their conduct. Infection risks likewise cannot be assumed to be identical across every person and circumstance.
Risk reduction and risk transfer
Some arrangements transfer costs; others can reduce the chance of an adverse event or its severity. A benefit to one partner therefore need not impose an equal loss on the other. To assess a proposed rule, specify the outcome, the affected people, and how their exposure changes.
For example, the source assumes a parent can demand 50% of a child’s costs from the other parent, then describes this as both parties carrying 50% of the financial risk. Those assumed shares do not establish either the applicable obligation or the full consequences of parenting. Proposals to transfer an obligation to the state also raise a separate question about who ultimately pays. None of these examples establishes that relationship risk is a fixed quantity merely passed between men and women.
The risk of oneitis
The source calls fixation on one idealized romantic prospect oneitis. Its business analogy is staking a company’s future on a single hoped-for contract. The useful comparison concerns dependence on a hoped-for outcome, not treating a partner as an asset that owes a return.
Someone who believes this is their only chance at a relationship may overlook incompatibility or excuse conduct they would otherwise reject. As time and effort accumulate, sunk costs can make leaving harder. Attention to the hoped-for relationship can also crowd out friendships, other opportunities, and personal priorities.
The question is whether the relationship is wanted and workable now. Past investment cannot make it so, and commitment does not require tolerating abuse or abandoning one’s own standards.
When to use it
Discussing expectations, boundaries, and possible consequences before making a relationship commitment.
Identifying which jurisdiction and circumstances are relevant before drawing conclusions about a relationship-related legal obligation.
Separating evidence about a partner’s behavior from unsupported generalizations about a demographic group or diagnosis.
Recognizing when idealization and sunk costs are keeping someone in an unwanted or harmful relationship.
FROM THEORY TO EVERYDAY LIFE
In practice
Duke Lacrosse Case
The account invokes the Duke lacrosse case to argue that affirmative-consent rules increase men's risk. An accusation can have serious consequences, but this example alone does not establish a causal connection to those rules or estimate the probability of a false allegation.
Oneitis in Dating
A man idealizes one romantic prospect, devotes increasing time to winning her interest, and overlooks incompatibilities because he has already invested so much. The single-contract analogy highlights dependence on one hoped-for outcome; it does not mean that affection is owed in return for effort.
Government Influence on Risk
Rules about marriage and parenthood can affect partners differently. To assess a claimed transfer of risk, specify the relevant law and consequence. Reduced pregnancy probability, control over a reproductive decision, and financial responsibility for a child are separate questions.
A MOMENT TO REFLECT
Put it to work.
For a relationship concern, what is the possible harm, what evidence bears on its likelihood, and how serious would its consequences be?
Which concerns about a relationship come from observed conduct, and which come from assumptions or missing information?
Have you overlooked incompatibility because of the time or effort you had already invested in someone?
CONTINUE THE CONVERSATION
Source texts
- Rolf Dobelli - The Art of Thinking Clearly-Harper Paperbacks (2014)